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By Siphokuhle Mkancu
The 29th of May 2024 marked the seventh democratic election in South Africa, and based on the election results being that for the first time in the democratic era no single political party achieved a clear majority, the country is headed towards a formation declared by its proponents to be a government of national unity (GNU). At the time of writing, it included the ANC, DA, IFP, FF+ and first-time National Assembly (NA) entrants, the Patriotic Alliance.
On the other hand, a grouping of seven of the other represented parties – disgruntled at their exclusion from the GNU agreement – coined the alternative phrase to GNU of a “grand coalition” that isn’t necessarily underpinned by national unity principles, but more the compromises and bargains reached behind closed doors that the parties could agree on for their own interests.
In the end, however, when political parties with national representation in Parliament finally unite in this post-election era to form a competent governance structure, we as the public must be ready to collectively hold them to account on their responsibilities, among those the changes promised to young people in their respective manifestos leading up to the elections.
The ANC and DA, being the two largest parties in Parliament, made big promises during their campaigns, which should be closely monitored as they impact the lives of young people throughout the country. The ANC committed to 2.5-million “work opportunities” – a term that in itself has been criticised as being ambiguous and without clear, long-term objectives, as well as to increasing the social relief of distress grant introduced in the Covid-19 era and re-structuring it so that it becomes a basic income grant over time. In its provincial manifesto (prior to changes in its national government prospects), the DA committed to creating 800 000 new jobs in the Western Cape where it governs, and to building more schools, thereby making education more accessible in the province, which has an on-going issue of unplaced learners in the basic education space.
However, as the turn of events has dictated, and with the shift in power dynamics for either party, it remains to be seen whether the manifesto intentions will translate into clear deliverables that the two parties and their partners in the GNU will hold themselves, and each other, accountable to. Certainly the youth challenges that they responded to in their campaigns should continue to be addressed, and they go beyond just unemployment and basic education standards, but extend to crime; basic service delivery; corruption; impact of climate change; and funding for socio-economic support structures that benefit the youth, among others.
Youth unemployment
According to the latest unemployment data from Stats SA, released in the first quarter of 2024, youth unemployment stands at 45.5% in South Africa, comparable to a national average of 32.9%.. In the fourth quarter of 2023, the total number of unemployed youths increased by 87 000 to 4.7-million, while the number of working youth went down by 97 000 to 5.9-million.
This reality is acknowledged in the National Youth Policy – a document of the ministry of women, youth and persons with disabilities with a focused timeframe of between 2020 and 2030 for the support of young people, especially those marginalised in society, politics, and the economy, by integrating youth development into mainstream policies, programmes, and the national budget. Although this is the case at the policy’s half-term mark, youth unemployment remains at high levels, and if not urgently addressed, has serious repercussions the country.
On a more personal level, the impact of unemployment on mental health should also be a major concern, as we collectively strategise about robust ways to support young people. It is hoped that the shift in political power in the legislature, and no doubt the executive, will mean a more diverse approach among our elected representatives in addressing youth challenges.
Youth representation in politics
Certainly, the youth voiced their wishes in the recent elections, despite their turnout being lower than many analysts anticipated. With just over 40% of registered voters being in the 18-40 age group, the youth vote had a significant impact on how the NA would look for the next five years. In an analysis of the composition of the previous NA, the Parliamentary Monitoring Group discovered that, of the 14 parties represented, five had representatives under the age of 35, and nine did not have any members of Parliament (MPs) in that age group. The seventh parliament’s figures don’t differ much, with only 20% of the MPs sworn in on 14 June being between the ages of 20 and 39, a total of 79 out of 400 MPs. This with a more diverse representation of political parties in the NA, which saw seven new entrants, following an increase in the number of parties that contested the elections.
With the new NA sworn in and ready to oversee the work of the incoming administration, we need to see active encouragement for young people to join the political space with a view of advancing youth interests, to promote youth participation in decision-making and for young people to lead in the dismantling of the social ills they are confronted with.
Student funding crisis
Another area that we can hope to see the new administration pay critical attention to is higher education, in particular education funding. Cleaning up the funding vehicle of government that is the National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS) is a priority. It has has historically struggled to make student allowance and accommodation payments on time, while also gripped by internal irregularities, mismanagement, and corruption. These inefficiencies have increased challenges to accessing higher education and learning for deserving youth from disadvantaged backgrounds. It remains to be seen what changes, if any, will be brought into the higher education sector at executive level, but NFSAS needs to be restored and managed urgently to alleviate the crises that its beneficiaries face daily.
Confidence among students in current NSFAS executive leadership, in the form of Minister of Higher Education Blade Nzimande and the scheme’s board chairperson – a position recently vacated by Ernest Khosa – is not strong. Both Nzimande and Khosa have been implicated in grand scale corruption – which they have denied – in the tendering of services of the scheme. While the allegations are probed by law enforcement agencies, there needs to be careful consideration for who should lead the work of ensuring that the scheme functions efficiently.
More recently, student accommodation landlords threatened to evict NSFAS-funded students because of irregular payments. The lived experience of students in this scenario is that many who should be benefiting from the scheme’s student housing system end up abandoning their housing, are left stranded or confused, or resort to camping out in universities’ administration buildings for lack of other options.
The systemic corruption and mismanagement of funds has disproportionately affected young people from low-income households, as the scheme was designed to promote equitable access to higher education. The incoming government must therefore prioritise the restoration of NSFAS to ensure the inclusion of these students. There should also be accountability structures across the scheme to ensure that students affected by inefficiencies in funds allocation are not faced with the fear of having to abandon studies in the middle of their courses with no clear prospects of returning.
Thirty years of democracy
Although there are some positive stories about the 30 years of South Africa’s democracy, there is still a lack of advancement in important areas such as educational attainment, employment, and health. In the past two years, hundreds of young people have been marching to the Union Buildings on June 16, under the banner of the National Youth Coalition, which serves as the umbrella organisation for youth organisations and groupings taking part in the demonstration.
In addition to highlighting the current challenges, young people also use the march to commemorate the 1976 Soweto uprising. Their memorandum, which highlights in detail issues such as corruption, unemployment, and gender-based violence and was presented to the presidency on both occasions, has yet to be officially addressed.
Youth Day is an important reminder of the work that lies ahead, that many young people are yet to experience the gains of post-1994, and that some challenges of the youth of 1976 remain present today. We can only hope that the 79 young people who will occupy Parliament for the next five years will be heard when they raise the issues that should be included in government’s youth agenda, and that they will inspire change in how these receive the urgent attention they need.
